Address by president of Republic of Srpska Milorad Dodik at the 22nd special session of the National assembly of the Republic of Srpska on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the signing of the General framework agreement for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Mr. Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of Srpska,

Honourable Members of the Assembly,

Esteemed friends in Moscow, Beijing, Washington, Brussels, and across the world,
Extraordinary occasions call for extraordinary sessions. This address is dedicated to a truly significant event: the 30th anniversary of the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina — the Dayton Peace Agreement.

The Dayton Peace Agreement was not perfect. It was not a utopia — but it was real, and it achieved its most fundamental objective. For thirty years, it has preserved peace — not because it affirmed the Republic of Srpska, created the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and established Bosnia and Herzegovina, but because it acknowledged them as they are — with all their particularities, complexities, and — yes — with all their differences.

The significance of the Dayton Peace Agreement for the Republic of Srpska — the extent to which we insist on its full respect, and the extent to which all our actions are grounded in its provisions — is best illustrated by two facts. First, the Dayton Peace Agreement was ratified by the National Assembly of the Republic of Srpska, and the date on which it was initialled was proclaimed a national holiday. The Serb people and the Republic of Srpska celebrate peace. By contrast, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina has never ratified this agreement. Instead of commemorating the day when peace was established, the Federation marks as its holiday the day the war began.

„In Bosnia, people are always at war with something — with other people, with themselves, with their own illusions,“ wrote our Nobel laureate, Ivo Andrić. And in Dayton, we found a way to finally end that war — to return to ourselves, to our homes, and to our families. For the Republic of Srpska, Dayton is more than a peace agreement. It is not only a guarantee of peace — it is a guarantee of our rights.

In order to end the war, the Dayton Agreement, through its Annex IV — the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, established a new political system, and in doing so, addressed the very root causes of the conflict. The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina did not begin because of ethnic hostility; it began because the principle of equality among peoples was violated.

Dayton was not a suggestion or a mere declaration. It was a treaty that established the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was written, agreed upon, and signed by all parties — namely, the Republic of Srpska, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Croatia, and the illegitimate Alija Izetbegović on behalf of what was styled as “Bosnia and Herzegovina,” though in truth, on behalf of Bosnian Muslims — the Bosniaks. The agreement was concluded with the full support of the United States of America, France, the United Kingdom, Russia, the Federal Republic of Germany, and with the assistance of the European Union and other international partners. And for thirty years, the Republic of Srpska has lived by this agreement. We have respected it and abided by its provisions. Even when we fiercely disagreed — even when we were attacked — we honoured the agreement we signed.

Today, while Bosniak political leaders once again advocate for the very concept of Bosnia and Herzegovina that led to war in the 1990s, we in the Republic of Srpska stand firmly as guardians of peace, defending the provisions of the Dayton Agreement.

Every effort we make to uphold Dayton is not merely a struggle for the rights of the Republic of Srpska. It is a struggle to preserve peace and the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to prevent the outbreak of future conflicts. And no matter how much we are attacked, slandered, or falsely accused because of this, it is we who defend peace — by defending the agreement to which we are a signatory.

However, since 2021, that agreement — and the peace it brought — has come under increasing attack. And so today, I address you not in anger, but with purpose; not in defiance, but with resolve — and with a call to respect the agreement upon which Bosnia and Herzegovina was established: as a federal-confederal union of two entities — the Republic of Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina — and three constituent peoples: Serbs, Croats, and Bosniaks/Muslims, along with Others and citizens.

Today, I speak with a proposal: to initiate direct talks with the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina on a return to foundational principles. The outcome of such talks would be Dayton 2.0. Allow me to explain what this means — and just as importantly, what it does not mean.
It does not mean secession. It does not mean escalation. It does not mean an abandonment of peace.

It means a return to the agreement that fundamentally created a new constitutional and political order in Bosnia and Herzegovina — and thereby, peace. It means reaffirming that laws must be interpreted as written, not as some would prefer them to be. It means stating — clearly, calmly, and resolutely — that we must not allow the constitutional contract to be transformed into something it was never intended to be. Article I of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina states that Bosnia and Herzegovina is composed of two entities — the Republic of Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina — and three constituent peoples: Serbs, Bosniaks/Muslims, and Croats. Article III of the Constitution provides that the Constitution may be amended only through an agreement between the entities, not between political parties, and that such agreement must take the form of a prescribed inter-entity accord.

The situation we face today bears a striking resemblance to the debate Americans continue to have over their own Constitution: Should a constitutional compact be interpreted as it was originally written? Or should it be treated as a “living, breathing document” — subject to reinterpretation at will by unelected officials? This is the essence of our crisis — not nationalism, not secession, not obstruction, but interpretation.

We in the Republic of Srpska are originalists of Dayton. We believe in a literal and faithful reading of the Dayton Peace Agreement — and we are proud of that. Because Dayton worked — until they began to change it. It worked — until it was hijacked. It worked — until foreign, unelected bureaucrats and so-called “nation-builders” began treating it as a blank canvas for their political and commercial agendas. That is not democracy. That is not stability. And that is not peace. This same principle was clearly and firmly articulated by President Trump, who stated that the United States would no longer engage in building other nations or in prescribing how other peoples should live. If that is true — and it is — then the United States is great again.

And today, we too say: enough. Not with threats. Not with anger. But with truth. Let us go back tp the basics. Let go back to the deal. Let us go back to Dayton.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

To understand what we are defending, we must return to the very agreement that established the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ended the war, and brought peace.

The Dayton Agreement is not a perfect document. But then again, perfection is rarely found in life. What it is — is rational, feasible, and the only workable solution in the circumstances in which we live. Dayton acknowledged history, legacy, mentality, and the relationships that had long existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It defined a system within which Bosnia and Herzegovina could function — as a community of two equal entities and three constituent peoples.

The Dayton Agreement created a space in which each people has its place, its identity, and its right to equality.
The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with its 11 annexes, signed at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio, was not merely a political document. It was — and remains — a constitutional and legal instrument, the very basis and foundation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

According to that agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina is composed of two entities: the Republic of Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Each entity has its own government, its own legal system, and its own competences — the right to govern its people, territory, and property — in peace.

The very state of “Bosnia and Herzegovina” is derived from the territories of the entities: 49% from the Republic of Srpska and 51% from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Agreement did not create a centralized, unitary state. It did not require us to erase our differences. It gave us balance, not domination. It gave us function, not fantasy. It gave us peace, not uniformity.

To those who doubt this, I extend a simple invitation: Read Annexes I through X. Read the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as adopted in Dayton. Not interpretations. Not footnotes. The text itself.

There is not a single provision — not one — that grants a foreign, unelected bureaucrat the right to criminalize dissent. There is not a single provision that allows state property to be confiscated by decree of such a bureaucrat. There is not a single provision that reduces the Republic of Srpska to a subordinate administrative unit. There is not a single provision that permits one side to impose solutions on the other.
Dayton is a federalist–confederal agreement — not a colonial one. Dayton is pragmatic, not utopian. Dayton respected the right of peoples to govern themselves — within Bosnia and Herzegovina, not beneath it.

It is for these reasons that we consider ourselves the originalists of Dayton. What we are witnessing today is the same kind of ideological debate that Americans have long engaged in over their own Constitution: Should it be interpreted as written, or treated as a “living, breathing document” that changes with the times and the shifting moods of foreign powers? We in the Republic of Srpska recognize only the text we signed.

We do not believe that Dayton is dead. We do not believe that Dayton has failed. We believe that Dayton has been reinterpreted beyond recognition — by those who never signed it, and who never respected its principles.

And this is not only our view. It is the view of legal scholars across Russia, China, Europe, and the United States. It is a reality quietly acknowledged — behind closed doors — in diplomatic cables and legal opinions. And it is a reality that must now be acknowledged out loud.

Let me be clear once again:

We are not extremists. We are not obstructionists. We are not tearing up Dayton. We are trying to preserve it.
We are not just signatories to this agreement — we are a party to it. We are its guardians and defenders. We are a people who know the meaning of the struggle for freedom, because we paid for it with the highest price — the lives of our sons and daughters. Dayton is our armor. It is our rampart. It is our shield — against those who believe that with a single signature, a single decision, or a single dictate, they can erase what was built in blood. We are not defending only our rights — we are defending peace. And in defending peace, we are defending our people’s right to remain who they are, where they are — to speak their language, to celebrate their holidays, to take pride in their history, and to remember and commemorate their suffering. Dayton is not just a peace agreement. It is a seal upon our freedom, a promise that the Republic of Srpska is permanently woven into this land. We are not defending only our territory — we are defending the very principles upon which Bosnia and Herzegovina can function as a community of equal peoples.

We stand by what was agreed in 1995. We do not accept interventions by unelected and unconfirmed clerks, who are accountable to no one, and who treat our country as a personal project — while it is, in fact, our future that is at stake. If there is a need to modernize Dayton — we are ready. But only on one condition: that it be done the right way — not by decree, not by pressure, not through interpretation and foreign intervention. It must be done through dialogue, through amendments, and through the consent of the signatory parties — not according to the whims of those who arrived decades later.

Ladies and Gentlemen, what went wrong?

Dayton was designed to provide the foundation for Bosnia and Herzegovina to function as a complex, sovereign country in which decisions would be made by democratically elected representatives of the peoples — not as a protectorate in which the will of the people is subordinated to the authority of an unelected and illegitimate High Representative.

In this world, everything has its price. Those who today seek to dismantle the foundations of Dayton forget that every imposition returns like a boomerang. Dayton is the cornerstone of Bosnia and Herzegovina — and of peace within it. To undermine that foundation is to undermine peace. To undermine Dayton is to undermine Bosnia and Herzegovina itself.

If Dayton was an agreement — a constitutional compact — then we must ask, honestly and openly: Who broke that agreement? Who changed its provisions? Who decided that the written word of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina no longer applies?

Because it was not us. It was not the citizens of the Republic of Srpska.

The Republic of Srpska has never sought to make decisions on behalf of Bosniaks or Croats.

We have never tried to choose their representatives. Banja Luka has never aspired to dictate affairs in Sarajevo, Zenica, or Mostar. But likewise — we will never allow others to make decisions on our behalf. Not because we are stubborn, but because that is the will of the Serb people.
So who did it? Those who came after the signing of the agreement — and who claimed for themselves the right to reinterpret, reshape, and disregard it. And the most visible face of that violation today is Christian Schmidt.

Let us speak truthfully — with mutual respect and clarity. Mr. Schmidt was never confirmed by the United Nations Security Council. According to Annex X of the Dayton Agreement, the High Representative must first be nominated by the signatories of Annex X, and then confirmed by a relevant resolution of the Security Council. That process never occurred.

When there was an attempt to impose Mr. Schmidt at all costs, Russia objected. China withheld its consent. Mr. Schmidt never received Security Council approval. That means he is not a lawfully appointed High Representative. Since Mr. Schmidt cannot point to any treaty, statute, or binding act that would grant him legitimacy, he is merely a private citizen — issuing decrees without a mandate, without legitimacy, and without accountability. Tragically, the other party to the agreement — namely, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina — accepts him solely because his decrees are used as instruments to attack the Republic of Srpska, with the ultimate aim of dismantling it.

This is not a technical issue. This is a legal and constitutional crisis. Since his arrival in 2021 — which coincided precisely with the return of the Biden administration — Christian Schmidt has used self-proclaimed powers to impose criminal laws, suspend budgetary funding, and threaten elected officials, all without the consent of this or any other parliament, without the consent of this people, or of any international body.

This is not merely a violation of Dayton. It is a violation of every principle of democratic governance. And yet, simply for pointing this out — for insisting that Dayton be respected — the leadership of the Republic of Srpska has been accused, sanctioned, and even convicted.

But let us be clear: this is not about one man. Christian Schmidt is merely the poster child — the poster child of generations of so-called “nation-builders” who no longer operate with armies, but with edicts. Not with tanks, but with cancel culture. Not with diplomacy, but with lawfare — using the appearance of legality to destroy the substance of law.

What we are witnessing today is governance without accountability. It is ideological imposition.
It is what happens when a foreign, unelected official invokes self-claimed powers to remove elected representatives who dare to say “no.” It is what happens when democracy is treated not as the will of the people, but as a rubber stamp for the preferences of those who think of themselves as superior beings.

Allow me, from this very podium, to send a message — To our Bosniak neighbors, to our Croat partners, and to our friends in Sarajevo: What we are advocating today is not solely in the interest of the Republic of Srpska. The rule of law, the sanctity of agreements, and the principle of consent — these are not ethnic issues. They are universal values.

When we defend Dayton, we are defending it for everyone in Bosnia and Herzegovina – because once one part of the agreement can be ignored, every part becomes vulnerable. Once a foreign, unelected official can unilaterally define what the law is, no one is protected — not Serbs, not Bosniaks, not Croats. That is why, when we say we must go back to basics, we are seeking to reunite the country around the original agreement we all signed.

If we want peace to endure, it must be built on law, not pressure. On consent, not coercion.

On dialogue, not decrees. Mr. Schmidt may claim to be defending Dayton. But every one of his actions has undermined it. That is why today, we must state clearly: this constitutional crisis can only be resolved by nullifying everything Mr. Schmidt has imposed.
It is time for the United Nations Security Council to vote on the legitimacy of Christian Schmidt.

Let the international community either confirm him — or reject him. But we must have the courage to confront the truth. Because neither Bosnia and Herzegovina, nor peace, can survive on a lie.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

What we are experiencing today in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not unique to us. What we are going through — this campaign to remove elected leaders, impose laws and regulations, and delegitimize the will of the people — is part of a broader pattern that has, in recent times, emerged across many democracies around the world.

From Brazil to Hungary, from Romania to the United States, and yes, here in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we are witnessing the rise of a very dangerous phenomenon: a new form of political warfare — the so-called “cancel culture”, which not only suppresses the right to express opinion, but also threatens sovereignty itself. The weaponization of law to pursue political ends.

Let us be clear: sanctions have been imposed on me, I have been threatened with arrest, and portrayed as a villain — by those who refuse dialogue and instead seek to silence it. But I am not the real target.

The real target is the people who elected me: the citizens of the Republic of Srpska, the voters who, in free and fair elections, gave their trust to a vision of sovereignty within Bosnia and Herzegovina, not subordination to foreign diktat.

Allow me to say something here — and I hope it reaches even those who criticize us: You can sanction me. You can ban me. You can try to imprison me. You can even try to kill me in an effort to arrest me. But no leader of the Republic of Srpska — not today, not tomorrow, not ever — will surrender the title to the land beneath our feet except under the terms agreed in Dayton, and consistent with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

And if that is the test of being “acceptable,” then you will never have an acceptable Serb leader.
Ever. Because this is not about me. This is about the will of the people. This is about democracy.

Democracy is not obedience to Brussels. Democracy is not silent acceptance of the interpretations of an unelected envoy. Democracy is not the removal of elected leaders because they are “inconvenient.” I was elected. The government was elected. The National Assembly was elected.

So I say, with respect, to our friends in the European Union and to every embassy that has spent more time writing press releases than reading the Dayton Agreement: You do not get to define our constitutional order. That right belongs to our people. And to them I say: Read the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. You have no mandate to interpret it. No High Representative — and certainly not this fraudulent one — has ever had that mandate.

Let me be absolutely clear once again: We do not reject Bosnia and Herzegovina — not the onstitutional one, the one that was agreed upon. We are not a threat to peace. We are not calling for unilateral actions or secession. We are simply refusing to live in a system where the agreement we signed is changed by others, while the consequences fall upon us. We say “no” — not to peace, but to lawlessness disguised as reform. We say “no” — not to cooperation, but to impositions disguised as democracy, yet lacking all democratic legitimacy.

We believe in dialogue — that is why we call for it. We believe in Dayton — that is why we defend it. And we believe in democracy — that is why we are not afraid to speak. The world cannot be governed by by deleting voices that disagree.

Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be stabilized by erasing the autonomy of one of its constituent entities. Our future cannot be built on the premise that only one political view is acceptable — namely, the one approved by an unelected and unconfirmed foreign clerk.

Honourable citizens,

I have spoken about Dayton — the agreement. I have spoken about Schmidt — the pretender. I have spoken about democracy — the principle.
Now, let us speak about the real issue at the centre of this storm: property, land, and the resources beneath it.

In recent years, extensive geological surveys have confirmed what we long suspected: the Republic of Srpska sits atop vast reserves of critical minerals — including lithium, boron, strontium, sodium, and potassium. These are not ordinary minerals. These are strategic resources — essential for electric vehicles, defense systems, energy storage, and advanced technologies — here at home, in the United States, in Europe, and across the world.

Particularly significant are our deposits in the Lopare Basin, which represent one of the most promising untapped lithium-boron fields in Europe — if not the world. And unlike other locations burdened by unrest, instability, or local resistance, we possess the geological potential, social stability, and political will to develop these resources responsibly.

Ask yourselves:
Why did Christian Schmidt appear in 2021 at the precise moment this discovery was confirmed by geological experts?

Why, after years of so-called neutrality, did he launch a campaign to criminalize the Republic of Srpska’s Property Law, suspend the budget financing of our political party, and threaten our institutions?

Why has there been such urgency — such desperation — to shift legal title over land and resources from the entities to the central government in Sarajevo?

The answer is simple: minerals mean money, and minerals mean power. This is not about constitutional reform. This is not about European values. This is not even about Dayton. This is a struggle for control over strategic natural resources on the European continent.

Let me be absolutely clear: The Republic of Srpska is not opposed to cooperation. The Republic of Srpska is not opposed to development. And we are certainly not opposed to sharing the benefits of these resources with our partners. We believe — and today we reaffirm — that the wealth generated from these minerals should benefit all citizens, regardless of ethnic background, political affiliation, or place of residence within the Republic of Srpska.

But what we cannot accept is a system in which: ownership can be stripped from our institutions and from the Republic of Srpska by decree of a foreign, unelected official — in violation of Dayton; in which this illegitimate Mr. Schmidt behaves like a real estate agent, acting on behalf of his foreign sponsors — who seek to gain everything without investing anything; in which the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina, established in Dayton for purposes of coordination, is now being weaponized as a vehicle for acquiring property and extracting wealth from the peoples who live on this land.

That is not development. And that is not peace. It is a blatant fraud, a shameless act of expropriation. And no people — and no democracy — would ever accept such a thing.

Therefore, let us negotiate a framework that respects: the Dayton structure, the constitutional competences of the entities, as clearly defined in the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose Article III(a) states: “All governmental functions and powers not expressly assigned to the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina shall be those of the entities.” This framework must also guarantee equality and parity among all the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Let us agree on such a framework together — and let us do so the right way, not the way Mr. Schmidt has chosen to act. Because we believe in partnership — but only in a partnership based on mutual respect for the rights of peoples and entities, and grounded in agreement.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This is not a call to rebellion. This is not a threat to peace. This is not — as some will claim — a project of division. This is a call to return — a return to balance, a return to consent, a return to Dayton — as it was signed.

But we are also realists. We know that time has passed. We do not pretend that Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2025 is the same as it was in 1995. And that is why today, the Republic of Srpska puts forward a proposal — not a demand.

We propose a structured, time-bound dialogue among the signatories of the Dayton Agreement. A dialogue not dictated by decree, but guided by diplomacy. A dialogue not held in secret, but conducted with full transparency. A dialogue built around one simple and honest question: How do se make the next 30 years of peace better than the last?

If the answer to that question involves amendments to the Dayton Agreement, then let us discuss them — openly and sincerely — using the very instruments Dayton itself provides: legal mechanisms for constitutional change, parliamentary negotiations, inter-party and inter-entity commissions, and the consent of both entities and all three constituent peoples — exactly as Dayton requires.

But let us reject — once and for all — the idea that a foreign bureaucrat or an unelected council can impose constitutional changes without consent. That is not peace. That is not law. That is colonialism masquerading as state-building. It is deception. It is a lie.
Allow me to say something that should resonate in the West — and even in Washington: We do not expect others to solve our problems — and we do not ask them to.

We do not believe in permanent dependency. We do not believe in state-building experiments. Bosnia and Herzegovina is not a project — it is, by the Dayton Agreement and the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a joint framework established by the peoples who compose it.

As President Trump said in his historic address last week in Riyadh: “The birth of a modern Middle East has not come from Western interventionalists . . . it has come from the people of the region themselves.”

Let the same be true here. Let us take responsibility — not for conflict, but for dialogue. Let our generation be the one that restores the letter of Dayton — and leaves behind Schmidt’s decrees, lectures from Brussels, and the failed experiments of those who have never lived here.

Honourable Members of the National Assembly,

I have spoken about what we believe, and what we reject — now allow me to speak about what we propose.
We propose cooperation and partnership. We already have proven friends and partners in the world — we have Russia, China, and Hungary. Now, we are seeking a partner in the United States of America.

We seek America as it once was — and as it can be again: not as an adversary, not as an occupier, not as a referee, but as a guarantor of peace, a partner in development, and a protector of our sovereignty. For it was the United States that helped create the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the United States that led us to peace in Dayton. And today’s United States still understands the value of a signed agreement.

We agree with the recent statement of Vice President JD Vance: that Europe and America have grown too comfortable with the security framework of the past 30 years — a framework born in the Clinton era, designed by state-builders, but one that no longer meets the challenges of the next 30 years.

In 1995, Bosnia and Herzegovina needed peace — and we achieved it. In 2025, Bosnia and Herzegovina needs reform — substantive, lawful, and democratic reform. And that requires a return to the foundations that made Dayton possible.

In that spirit, we are open to dialogue and cooperation based on Dayton’s principles, and beneficial to all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are ready to be a reliable partner to anyone who wishes to engage — to the European Union, to Russia, and to the United States of America.

In that context, allow me to briefly address Washington from this very chamber: We are aware that the United States is deeply concerned about its strategic dependence on Chinese critical minerals. We know that the Trump administration prioritized the reshoring and friend-shoring critical mineral supply chains. We know the U.S. has explored cooperation in Ukraine, South America, and Africa — with varying degrees of success.

That is why today — for the first time publicly — I declare: The Republic of Srpska is ready to explore a strategic mineral partnership with Hungary and the United States of America. We are ready to support America’s efforts to diversify and secure its critical mineral supply chains. We are ready to offer value. We are ready to offer transparency. We are ready to offer sovereignty-based cooperation — not corruption, not war, not manipulation. Give us freedom. Acknowledge our already existing sovereignty. Guarantee the Dayton Agreement. Respect our political autonomy and independence — and we are your partner.

Mr. Speaker of the National Assembly,

Honourable Members of Parliament,
Citizens of the Republic of Srpska,
and Friends Around the World,

In every generation, there comes a moment when a people must choose — not between war and peace, but between truth and convenience. This is that moment.

We are not here to dismantle what Dayton built. Our task is to protect it — from those who have forgotten what Dayton was. We are not here to break apart Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are here to remind the world what it truly is: a complex, sovereign country, composed of two entities and three constituent peoples. Such a country cannot be governed by decree. It can only endure through internal agreement.

From this place, I extend a call for cooperation — a cooperation based on equality, parity, consent, and constitutional order.

And from this place, I send a message — not only to the citizens of the Republic of Srpska, but to every Bosniak, every Croat, every Serb, and every citizen of this country: We do not seek to take what is yours. We only ask that what is ours not be taken from us. We are ready to build a future in which all peoples can prosper — a future where all resources, including critical minerals, are used to develop the country as a whole, not to enrich a few. A future in which no one is silenced, and no one is criminalized for defending the agreement we all signed.

Let us listen to one another. Let us speak openly, without foreign coercion. And let us begin — now.
Let us initiate a structured and good-faith dialogue among all the signatories of the Dayton Agreement, with the aim of returning to the original text, intent, and structure of the Dayton Peace Accords. Any future amendments must be discussed and agreed upon solely through the constitutional mechanisms provided in the Dayton framework.

This is not a call to dismantle Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is a call to restore it to its constitutional foundations. To modernize it only to the extent that consensus allows. This is a call to acknowledge that peace cannot be preserved through pressure, punishment, or decrees — but only through mutual respect and negotiated agreement.

To the citizens of the Republic of Srpska, I say: This is our moment. Not to go to battle — but to stand. Not to complain — but to lead. Not to escalate — but to engage in dialogue about Dayton. Insisting on Dayton is not an exit from peace — it is an entrance into the next chapter of it.
In light of this anniversary, we say to the world — and especially to the United States of America:

We are not your problem. We are your partner. We do not ask you to solve our political challenges. We only ask that you remember the agreement you authored — and help us return to it. We are ready to contribute to your strategic priorities — such as critical minerals, stability, and traditional diplomacy. And all we ask in return is that you uphold the very same principles that made Dayton possible: consent, constitutionality, and sovereignty.

To our friends in Europe — especially those who remember the hard-won lessons of history — I say this: We know that Europe is not monolithic. We know that there are voices in Europe who understand that stability does not come from silencing elected leaders, but from strengthening institutions, from building mutual respect, and from supporting dialogue over diktat in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

We know that some of the strongest advocates for sovereignty and reform today come from Europe itself — leaders who know what it means to defend their own nations while working together to preserve peace. To those leaders — and to all European partners who seek a future based on equality, legality, and mutual recognition — our door is open.

Let us work together — not to trample Dayton, but to implement it. We all want a Europe where agreements are honoured, where differences are respected, and where sovereignty is not treated as a threat, but as the foundation for cooperation.

We extend our gratitude to Serbia, which consistently upholds the Dayton Peace Agreement and stands unwaveringly by the Republic of Srpska. We thank Russia, which has always supported the letter of the Dayton Agreement. Moscow’s principled and consistent policy has repeatedly called for respect for international treaties, rejected interference in the internal affairs of sovereign nations, and opposed unilateral interventionism. We also express our appreciation to China for its principled and politically neutral conduct, and for its consistent role within the United Nations Security Council on matters related to Bosnia and Herzegovina. And finally, we reaffirm: we seek cooperation with all.

To the guarantors of the Dayton Agreement, I extend both gratitude and an appeal: Support an internal agreement within Bosnia and Herzegovina. Close the Office of the High Representative. Abolish the position of High Representative. Return the Constitutional Court to domestic judges, as explicitly provided for in the Dayton Agreement.

Let us return to Dayton. Let us realize this — together: with partners at home, with friends in Russia and China, with partners in the United States of America and Europe, and with all allies in truth and law — as dignified and free peoples who will never surrender their future to anyone but themselves.

Long live the Serb people, and all the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region!
Long live the Republic of Srpska!
Long live Serbia!

You can watch the full video of the address by the President of the Republika Srpska at this link.

Source : RTRS, 21st May 2025